While the role of social media in the spread of conspiracy theories has received much attention, a key deficit in previous research is the lack of distinction between different types of platforms. This study places the role of social media affordances in facilitating the spread of conspiracy beliefs at the center of its enquiry. We examine the relationship between platform use and conspiracy theory beliefs related to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on the concept of technological affordances, we theorize that variation across key features make some platforms more fertile places for conspiracy beliefs than others. Using data from a crossnational dataset based on a two-wave online survey conducted in 17 countries before and after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, we show that Twitter has a negative effect on conspiracy beliefs—as opposed to all other platforms under examination which are found to have a positive effect.

While political communication scholarship has long underscored the importance of political talk—casual conversations about news and politics that occur in everyday situations—as a way for citizens to clarify their opinions and as a precursor for political engagement, much of this literature tends to depict political talk as uncomfortable and difficult for citizens. Yet, this focus on the challenging aspects of political talk has been informed predominantly by the US context. To what extent may a different picture emerge when looking across different cultural contexts? And how are these dynamics shaped by the affordances of the multi-platform social media environment? This paper explores these questions through a unique dataset of 122 qualitative interviews conducted between 2016 and 2019 with young people (ages 18–29) from five countries: Argentina, Finland, Israel, Japan, and the United States. Rather than solidifying the avoidance of controversial political talk as the key strategy at the disposal of young people, our findings point at a five-pronged typology of young people, with each type representing a different approach toward political talk. Our typology thus contributes to a more comprehensive and nuanced picture of various approaches towards political talk employed by young people across different countries and in relation to different digital media affordances.

This article presents a transnational study of the classification and evaluation of social media content. We conducted a large-scale survey (N = 4770) in five countries (Germany, Italy, Japan, South Korea, and the United States) with open-ended questions about the types of content people like and dislike. Through iterative and inductive coding, we identified 29 topics, or broad areas of interest, and 213 recurrent genres, or narrower categories that share elements of form and content. We compared the results according to country, gender, age, and education level, identifying patterns of cultural difference and commonality. While we found significant differences in the prominence and preferentiality of content, these distictions were less pronounced for disliked topics around which social media users tended to converge. Finally, we discuss genre imaginaries as normative maps that reflect ideas about morality in general and the purpose of social media in particular.

How and why do people still get print newspapers in an era dominated by mobile and social media communication? In this article, we answer this question about the permanence of traditional media in a digital media ecosystem by analyzing 488 semi-structured interviews conducted in Argentina, Finland, Israel, Japan, and the United States. We focus on three mechanisms of media reception: access, sociality, and ritualization. Our findings show that these mechanisms are decisively shaped by patterns of everyday life that are not captured by the scholarly foci on either content- or technology-influences on media use. Thus, we argue that a non-media centric approach improves descriptive fit and adds heuristic power by bringing a wider lens into crucial mechanisms of media reception in ways that expand the conceptual toolkit that scholars can utilize to analyze the role of media in everyday life.

Abstract This study examined whether typically developing (TD) twins of non-TD children demonstrate enhanced empathy and prosociality. Of 778 Hebrew-speaking Israeli families who participated in a twin study, 63 were identified to have a non-TD child with a TD twin, and 404 as having both twins TD. TD twins of non-TD children (27% males) were compared to the rest of the cohort of TD children (46% males) on measures of empathy and prosociality. Participants were 11 years old. TD twins of non-TD children scored significantly higher than TD twins of TD children in a measure of cognitive empathy (d = .43). No differences were found in emotional empathy and prosociality. The specificity of the positive effect on cognitive empathy is discussed.

Abstract Previous research has established that men are more likely to vote for populist radical right parties (PRRPs) than women. This article shows how cross-national and temporal variations in PRRPs’ electoral success interact with individuals’ risk propensity to affect this gender gap. We hypothesize that gender differences in the electoral support of PRRPs stem from disparities in risk-taking. We conceptualize risk in terms of two components, social and electoral, and demonstrate that women are more risk-averse regarding both. Our analysis is based on public opinion data from 14 countries (2002–16) combined with macrolevel data on PRRPs’ past parliamentary fortunes. To distinguish between the social and electoral components in risk-taking, we use the illustrative case study of Germany. Findings demonstrate that gender differences in risk-taking and, by implication, the differences between women's and men's responses to the electoral context are key to understanding the voting gender gap.

The transition from low- to high-choice media environments has had far-reaching implications for citizens’ media use and its relationship with political knowledge. However, there is still a lack of comparative research on how citizens combine the usage of different media and how that is related to political knowledge. To fill this void, we use a unique cross-national survey about the online and offline media use habits of more than 28,000 individuals in 17 European countries. Our aim is to (i) profile different types of news consumers and (ii) understand how each user profile is linked to political knowledge acquisition. Our results show that five user profiles – news minimalists, social media news users, traditionalists, online news seekers, and hyper news consumers – can be identified, although the prevalence of these profiles varies across countries. Findings further show that both traditional and online-based news diets are correlated with higher political knowledge. However, online-based news use is more widespread in Southern Europe, where it is associated with lower levels of political knowledge than in Northern Europe. By focusing on news audiences, this study provides a comprehensive and fine-grained analysis of how contemporary European political information environments perform and contribute to an informed citizenry.

Managing multiple goals is essential to adaptation, yet we are only beginning to understand computations by which we navigate the resource demands entailed in so doing. Here, we sought to elucidate how humans balance reward seeking and punishment avoidance goals, and relate this to variation in its expression within anxious individuals. To do so, we developed a novel multigoal pursuit task that includes trial-specific instructed goals to either pursue reward (without risk of punishment) or avoid punishment (without the opportunity for reward). We constructed a computational model of multigoal pursuit to quantify the degree to which participants could disengage from the pursuit goals when instructed to, as well as devote less model-based resources toward goals that were less abundant. In general, participants (n = 192) were less flexible in avoiding punishment than in pursuing reward. Thus, when instructed to pursue reward, participants often persisted in avoiding features that had previously been associated with punishment, even though at decision time these features were unambiguously benign. In a similar vein, participants showed no significant downregulation of avoidance when punishment avoidance goals were less abundant in the task. Importantly, we show preliminary evidence that individuals with chronic worry may have difficulty disengaging from punishment avoidance when instructed to seek reward. Taken together, the findings demonstrate that people avoid punishment less flexibly than they pursue reward. Future studies should test in larger samples whether a difficulty to disengage from punishment avoidance contributes to chronic worry.

The nexus between transnational mobilization and Science and Technology Studies (STS) offers a productive platform for studying the formation of scientific activism, the influence of mobilization on scientific developments, and the ways science is used to achieve government goals. Integrating concepts from both sets of literature – particularly national sociotechnical imaginaries and socio-spatial positionality – this article explores how Dr Chaim Weizmann, a prominent chemist and a Zionist leader, attempted to construct and mobilize a ‘scientific diaspora’. Empirically, the article draws on new archival evidence, revealing the hitherto unknown early efforts of the Zionist movement to acquire nuclear reactor and utilize the Jewish involvement in the American nuclear project for political leverage abroad. Theoretically, rather than beginning the analysis with a scientific-diasporic network that was ready to be mobilized, we trace the selective and tailored practices employed by Weizmann to animate the Jewish connection among nuclear scientists and professionals.

Making negative inferences for negative events, ruminating about them, and retrieving negative aspects of memories have all been associated with depression. However, the causal mechanisms that link negative inferences to negative mood and the interplay between inferences, rumination, and memory have not been explored. In the current study, we used a cognitive-bias modification (CBM) procedure to train causal inferences and assessed training effects on ruminative thinking, memory, and negative mood among people with varying levels of depression. Training had immediate effects on negative mood and rumination but not after recall of a negative autobiographical memory. Note that training affected memory: Participants falsely recalled inferences presented during the training in a training-congruent manner. Moreover, among participants with high levels of depression, training also affected causal inferences they made for an autobiographical memory retrieved after training. Our findings shed light on negative cognitive cycles that may contribute to depression.

Antenatal diagnosis of fetal weight is challenging, and the detection rate of fetal growth restriction (FGR) is low. Neonates with FGR are known to have an increased rate of obstetric intervention during labor, but the association of antenatal fetal weight estimation with mode of delivery and neonatal outcomes among neonates who are small and appropriate for gestational age (SGA and AGA) has not been reported.To evaluate the association of antenatal fetal weight estimation with mode of delivery and neonatal outcomes among neonates who are SGA and AGA, applying psychological concepts of cognitive bias and prospect theory to a model of clinical behavior.This cohort study was conducted between 2019 and 2020 using data from 2006 to 2018 at a tertiary care center in Jerusalem, Israel. Participants were 100 198 term singleton neonates without anomalies who were categorized into 4 groups according to the presence of an antenatal suspicion of FGR and final birth weight. Neonates with false positives (FPs; ie, group 1-FP: those with suspected FGR who were AGA) and neonates with true positives (TPs; ie, group 2-TP: those with suspected FGR who were SGA) were compared with neonates with AGA antenatal fetal weight estimation, including neonates with false negatives (FNs; ie, group 3-FN: those not suspected to have FGR who were SGA) and neonates with true negatives (TNs; ie, group 4-TN: those not suspected to have FGR who were AGA). Data were analyzed from July 2019 to July 2020.Fetal weight estimation was performed according to sonographic and clinical evaluation at admission to labor, with FGR defined as a birth weight less than the 10th percentile for gestational age. Sonographic fetal weight estimation was performed according to Hadlock formula. Clinical weight estimation was performed by trained obstetricians.The primary outcomes were obstetric intervention and mode of delivery; the secondary outcomes were neonatal Apgar score (with low Apgar score defined as <7) and neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) admission rates.Among 100 198 neonates eligible for the study (50941 [50.8%] male neonates), there were 5671 neonates in group 1-FP, 3040 neonates in group 2-TP, 8508 neonates in group 3-FN, and 82 979 neonates in group 4-TN. Mean (SD) maternal age was 28.6 (5.7) years. Among 8711 neonates with suspected FGR, 34.9% were below the 10th percentile at birth, while 65.1% were AGA. Neonates with suspected FGR had a significantly increased rate of induction of labor (group 1-FP: 649 neonates [11.4%] and group 2-TP: 969 neonates [31.9%]) compared with neonates in group 3-FN (1055 neonates [12.4%]) and group 4-TN (7136 neonates [8.6%]) (P < .001) and a significantly increased rate of cesarean delivery (group 1-FP: 915 neonates [16.1%] and group 2-TP: 556 neonates [18.3%] vs group 3-FN: 1106 neonates [13.0%] and group 4-TN: 6588 neonates [7.9%]; P < .001). Increased NICU admission was found for neonates who were SGA compared with neonates who were AGA (group 2-TP: 182 neonates [6.0%] and group 3-FN: 328 neonates [3.9%] vs group 1-FP: 51 neonates [0.9%] and group 4-TN: 704 neonates [0.8%]; P <.001), as was increased rate of low Apgar score (eg, at 1 minute: group 2-TP: 149 neonates [4.9%] and group 3-FN: 384 neonates [4.5%] vs group 1-FP: 124 neonates [2.2%] and group 4-TN: 1595 neonates [1.9%]; P < .001). In a multivariable model comparing group 1-FP, group 2-TP, and group 3-FN with group 4-TN, suspicion of FGR was independently associated with increased risk of caesarean delivery among neonates in group 1-FP (odds ratio, 1.72; 95% CI, 1.56-1.88; P < .001).This study found that antenatal diagnosis of FGR was independently associated with an increase in risk of caesarean delivery by 70% in neonates who were AGA without improvement in neonatal outcomes. These findings suggest that such outcomes may be explained by application of prospect theory and may be associated with cognitive bias in clinical decision-making.

A growing literature finds that nonviolence is more successful than violence in effecting political change. We suggest that a focus on this association is incomplete, because it obscures the crucial influence of ethnic identity on campaign outcomes. We argue that because of prevalent negative stereotypes associating minority ethnic groups with violence, such groups are perceived as more violent even when resisting nonviolently, increasing support for their repression and ultimately hampering campaign success. We show that, cross-nationally, the effect of nonviolence on outcomes is significantly moderated by ethnicity, with nonviolence increasing success only for dominant groups. We then test our argument using two experiments in the United States and Israel. Study 1 finds that nonviolent resistance by ethnic minorities is perceived as more violent and requiring more policing than identical resistance by majorities. Study 2 replicates and extends the results, leveraging the wave of racial justice protests across the US in June 2020 to find that white participants are perceived as less violent than Black participants when protesting for the same goals. These findings highlight the importance of ethnic identity in shaping campaign perceptions and outcomes, underscoring the obstacles that widespread biases pose to nonviolent mobilization.

Background: Modern warfare in a civilian setting may expose combatants to severe moral challenges. Whereas most of these challenges are handled effectively, some potentially morally injurious events (PMIEs) may have deleterious psychological effects on the combatants, such as suicide ideation (SI). Self-disclosure, which includes sharing distressing thoughts and emotions, has been recognized as a protective factor against SI in the aftermath of stressful events. The current study is the first to examine the moderating role of self-disclosure in the relationship between PMIE exposure and SI among combat veterans. Method: A sample of 190 recently discharged Israeli combat veterans completed validated self-report questionnaires measuring combat exposure, PMIEs, depressive symptoms, SI, and self-disclosure in a cross-sectional design study. Results: PMIE dimensions and self-disclosure significantly contributed to current SI. Notably, the moderating model indicated that self-disclosure moderated the link between PMIE-Self and current SI, as PMIE-Self and current SI demonstrated a stronger association among veterans with low self-disclosure than among those with high self-disclosure. Limitations: Cross-sectional design of volunteers, the findings may not be directly generalizable to veterans' population. Conclusion: Self-disclosure, as a factor promoting a sense of belongingness, interpersonal bonding, and support, might diminish SI risk following PMIE exposure. Various mechanisms accounting for these associations are suggested, and the clinical implications of these interactions are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

This article revisits claims made a decade ago about the importance of the word ?sharing? in the context of social network sites (SNSs). Based on an analysis of the home pages of 61 SNSs between the years 2011 and 2020, the findings incontrovertibly show that ?sharing? has lost its central place in the terminology employed by social media platforms in their self-presentation. Where in the mid-2000s SNSs relied heavily on a rhetoric of sharing to promote their services, by 2020, this rhetoric had been almost entirely dropped. The research reported here implies that social media platforms no longer feel a need or desire to be associated with these cultural beliefs. Given this, questions are raised as to whether ?sharing? remains a keyword for social media.